Famine in Sudan, Famine in Gaza: Visualizing the Data

wooden bowl with few grains of rice, representing famine
Image by sille23 from Pixabay

How can we compare the famines in Sudan and Gaza? Comparing extreme human suffering is invidious. It invites saying one is ‘worse’, and therefore the other is not as ‘bad.’ The experience of starvation, for its victims and survivors, cannot be captured by any numbers.

In this blog post, we use the data from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) to explore different dimensions on which famines and food emergencies can be measured.

We draw upon the IPC’s population tracking tool, and for comparative purposes, include all the cases where the IPC’s Famine Review Committee (FRC) has been convened to review the data and determine whether there is a prospect that ‘famine’ thresholds will be crossed.

The IPC’s maps provide a compelling visualization of the geography of food emergencies.

3 panel map showing acute food insecurity in Sudan
Figure 1: Sudan, map of acute food insecurity, September 2025. Source: IPC Snapshot.
double panel image showing food insecurity in Gaza strip from July 2025 to Sept 2025
Figure 2: Gaza, map of acute food insecurity, July-August 2025. Source: IPC snapshot.

These only tell part of the story. The following two figures show trajectories into famine. In Sudan there is a slow descent. In parts of the country, famine conditions were determined in April 2024, though they had likely existed for some time prior.

Figure 3: Sudan, trajectory of acute food insecurity. Source Data: IPC population tracking tool. World Peace Foundation (2025).

In Gaza there is a distinctly different pattern: a very sharp decline followed by fluctuations just short of the ‘famine’ threshold, until that threshold was crossed in July/August this year.

Graph of trajectory of Gaza famine trajectory
Figure 4: Gaza, trajectory of acute food insecurity. Source Data: IPC population tracking tool, 2022 data from FEWS NET. World Peace Foundation (2025).

Humanitarian disasters don’t fall neatly into ‘famine’ and ‘non-famine’. The IPC measures the severity of the crisis by location. But this doesn’t capture the magnitude of the crisis—number of people affected, final aggregate death toll, the varying levels of classification throughout a country. The following two figures try to represent these  dimensions of the crisis, covering all the 22 cases reviewed by the FRC (plus Somalia in 2011, before the FRC was set up).

The horizontal axis shows magnitude: the total number of people in the IPC categories. The vertical axis shows severity: the percentage of the people in those categories in the worst hit location. The red spots are the cases in which the IPC FRC determined ‘famine’. Figure 5 does this for IPC phases 4 and 5, Figure 6 for IPC phase 5 only.

Figure 5. Humanitarian emergencies (IPC phases 4 & 5) combined. World Peace Foundation (2025).

What this figure makes clear is that Sudan is the worst by magnitude, with Yemen coming close. Gaza, Sudan and Somalia (2011) had the most severely affected locations. It’s also evident that there’s no simple correspondence between these metrics and the ‘famine’ determination. There are cases of very high numbers, and considerable severity, in which the specific threshold for ‘famine’ wasn’t crossed—or to be precise, the data weren’t available for the FRC to conclude, with confidence, that it had been crossed.

Figure 6: Humanitarian catastrophes and famines (IPC phase 5) compared. World Peace Foundation (2025).

This figure makes clear the same points as before, only more starkly. What stands out the Gaza in February of 2024. 55% of the population in the North Gaza and Gaza governates were categorized in phase 5, but the famine threshold was not passed. We can also see on two different ends of the graph that famine was determined, proving again the relationship between the metrics used for measurement and the ‘famine’ determination is not clear-cut.

People who go through famine, extreme food emergencies and related catastrophes are increasingly critical of the way in which the IPC metrics reduce their experiences to numbers. What these figures confirm is that even when we stick with numbers alone, we need to move beyond thinking about famine/non-famine.

Alex de Waal is a Research Professor at The Fletcher School, Tufts University, and leads the WPF research programs on African Peacemaking and Mass Starvation.

Considered one of the foremost experts on the Horn of Africa, his scholarly work and practice has also probed humanitarian crisis and response, human rights, pandemic disease, and conflict and peace-building. His latest book is New Pandemics, Old Politics: Two Hundred Years of War on Disease and its Alternatives. He is also author of Mass Starvation: The History and Future of Famine and The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa (Polity Press, 2015)

Following a fellowship with the Global Equity Initiative at Harvard (2004-06), he worked with the Social Science Research Council as Director of the program on HIV/AIDS and Social Transformation, and led projects on conflict and humanitarian crises in Africa (2006-09). During 2005-06, de Waal was seconded to the African Union mediation team for Darfur and from 2009-11 served as senior adviser to the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel for Sudan. He was on the list of Foreign Policy’s 100 most influential public intellectuals in 2008 and Atlantic Monthly’s 27 “brave thinkers” in 2009 and is the winner of the 2024 Huxley Award of the Royal Anthropological Institute.

Professor de Waal regularly teaches a course on Conflict in Africa at the Fletcher School, Tufts University.  During this course, students should gain a deeper understanding of the nature of contemporary violent conflict in Africa. Students will be expected to master the key theoretical approaches to violence in Africa, and to become familiar with a number of important case studies. The focus is on the origins and nature of violence, rather than policy responses and solutions. The course is inter-disciplinary and involves readings in political science, international relations, and social anthropology, while also touching on economics, environmental studies, and history. 

Kait Bell is a Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy (MALD) candidate at The Fletcher School at Tufts University, focusing on conflict studies, political communication, and design. Before Fletcher, she worked as a UN congressional advisor, a media and risk analyst specializing in the Middle East, and with a human rights coalition in Jerusalem. She holds a B.A. in Political Science and International Studies from the University of Michigan.

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